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  • image/svg+xml Jakob Voss, based on art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina and Beao Closed Access logo, derived from PLoS Open Access logo. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Closed_Access_logo_transparent.svg Jakob Voss, based on art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina and Beao
    Authors: Mangione, Gabriella;
    image/svg+xml Jakob Voss, based on art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina and Beao Closed Access logo, derived from PLoS Open Access logo. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Closed_Access_logo_transparent.svg Jakob Voss, based on art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina and Beao Archivio istituziona...arrow_drop_down
    image/svg+xml Jakob Voss, based on art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina and Beao Closed Access logo, derived from PLoS Open Access logo. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Closed_Access_logo_transparent.svg Jakob Voss, based on art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina and Beao
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      image/svg+xml Jakob Voss, based on art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina and Beao Closed Access logo, derived from PLoS Open Access logo. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Closed_Access_logo_transparent.svg Jakob Voss, based on art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina and Beao Archivio istituziona...arrow_drop_down
      image/svg+xml Jakob Voss, based on art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina and Beao Closed Access logo, derived from PLoS Open Access logo. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Closed_Access_logo_transparent.svg Jakob Voss, based on art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina and Beao
  • Authors: Maehler, D. B.;

    Beim Inventar zur Erfassung der ethnischen und nationalen (deutschen) Identität bei Personen mit und ohne Migrationshintergrund in Deutschland handelt es sich um eine deutschsprachige Adaptation der revidierten Fassung des Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM-R) von Phinney und Ong (2007). Neben der Erfassung der ethnischen Identität bei Erwachsenen mit Migrationshintergrund wurde außerdem eine Erweiterung zur Messung der nationalen (deutschen) Identität bei Personen mit und ohne Migrationshintergrund entwickelt und validiert. Das Inventar umfasst vier Skalen zur Messung der ethnischen Identitätsexploration und -bindung (e-EID und b-EID) sowie der nationalen Identitätsexploration und -bindung (e-NID und b-NID). Konfirmatorische Faktoranalysen bestätigen die Zwei-Faktor-Struktur (Exploration und Bindung) für die Messung der ethnischen sowie der nationalen (deutschen) Identität. Zusammenstellung sozialwissenschaftlicher Items und Skalen (ZIS)

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    Authors: Hille, Jochen;

    Norwegen und die Schweiz sind keine EU-Mitgliedstaaten, weil die Bevölkerungen die Integration mehrheitlich in Referenden ablehnte. Die enorme Mobilisierung und Emotionalisierung in den nationalen Integrationsdebatten kann weder durch ökonomische noch durch politische Umstände hinreichend erklärt werden, zumal die Eliten beider Länder mehrheitlich die Integration unterstützen. Die Hauptmobilisierungsressource von Euroskeptikern liegt vielmehr darin, tief verwurzelte nationale Selbst- und Fremdbilder zu reaktivieren. Diese Diskursanalyse beschreibt vergleichend, auf welche Art und Weise die größten euroskeptischen Akteure der Schweiz und Norwegens diesen Rückgriff auf das Nationale in Integrationsdebatten herstellen. Gefragt wird, wie die „Aktion für eine Unabhängige und Neutrale Schweiz“ (AUNS) und die eng mit ihr verbundene „Schweizerische Volkspartei“ (SVP) einerseits, und die norwegische Bewegung „Nein zur EU“ (norwegisch: Nei Til EU) andererseits, ihren Integrationswiderstand mittels nationaler Narrationen und Bildersprachen als sinnvoll darstellen. Hierzu werden umfangreiche euroskeptische Bild- und Textquellen referiert und gedeutet. Damit wird ein Beitrag zur Forschung über das Selbstverständnis, die Denkweise, die Rhetorik und das Tugendsystem anti-integratorischer Bewegungen geleistet. Denn Euroskeptiker verstehen sich primär als Verteidiger der guten nationalen Gemeinschaft. Diese Gemeinschaft und dessen Nationalstaat beschreiben sie als wärmer, natürlicher, näher, gerechter, effizienter, friedlicher und demokratischer als das integrierte Europa, welches als ferner, kalter, bürokratischer Superstaat EU dargestellt wird. Norway and Switzerland are not member states of the EU, since the majority of the people rejected integration in several referenda. The emotionality and the enormous mobilisation in national debates on integration cannot sufficiently be explained by economic and political reasons, since the majority of the elites are supporting integration. Instead, the main resource of mobilisation for Eurosceptics lies in reactivating deeply rooted descriptions of national self and other. For carving out these collective images, this discourse-analysis compares how the major Eurosceptical actors of Switzerland, the “Action for an Independent and Neutral Switzerland” (AUNS) together with the tightly connected “Swiss People’s Party” (SVP), on one hand, and the Norwegian movement “No To EU” (NEI TIL EU), on the other hand, describe their actions as meaningful in their iconography and narrations. In doing so, the study refers to and interprets extensive material from Eurosceptical actors and contributes to the understanding of Eurosceptical self-perception, ways of thinking, rhetoric and virtue system. Here Eurosceptics perceive themselves mainly as defenders of the national community and its nation-state, which are regarded as warm, natural, close, justified, efficient, peaceful and democratic, while Europe is perceived as the cold, distant, bureaucratic superstate EU.

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    Authors: Hein, Heidi;

    Der Pilsudski-Kult ist ein typischer politischer Kult, der durch die Komponenten Mythos, Ritual und Symbole sowie durch eine damit einhergehende Institutionalisierung definiert wird. In den Ausdrucks- und Vermittlungsformen ähneln sich politische Kulte, während die inhaltlichen Aspekte Bezug auf die jeweiligen Traditionen und den historischen Kontext nehmen müssen. Da der Totenkult um Pilsudski auf dem Personenkult aufbaut, wird dieser seit dem Ersten Weltkrieg bis 1935 skizziert und im Folgenden die Begräbnisfeierlichkeiten als Katalysator und Auftakt des Totenkultes, der Totenkult selbst bis 1939 und die Ausdrucksformen und Funktionen des Kultes bis 1939 dargestellt. Anschließend wird dessen Entwicklung im Zweiten Weltkrieg, in der Pilsudski-nahen Emigration, während der Volksrepublik Polen und in der Dritten Republik untersucht. Es soll verdeutlicht werden, dass man den Pilsudski-Kult jederzeit politisch instrumentalisierte, wobei der Mythos als inhaltlicher Bestandteil jeweils nuanciert wurde. Er erhielt legitimatorische und über die Zeit der Zweiten Republik hinausführend identitätsstiftende Funktionen und beeinflusste das historische Gedächtnis.

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    Authors: Penshorn, Sascha;

    The interpretation of German history prevailing in the years 1945-1953, the formation phase of the GDR, is mostly apostrophized in contemporary debate as well as in later research as "Misere-Sicht". What is meant by this is the Marxist variant of the thesis of the "German Sonderweg", which characterizes the course of German history as having failed because of the absence of a bourgeois revolution and the resulting alliance of the bourgeoisie with the feudal forces, and sketches a historical narrative that leads, as it were, logically from the Peasant Wars to the catastrophe of Nazi rule. In historical research this phase of the discourse of history in the Soviet Occupation Zone (SBZ) and the GDR is usually treated as only a short episode, which quickly proved to be a useless master narrative and was accordingly contained by the SED leadership and replaced by more constructive conceptions of history. In this study, I consider the Misere-conception of the SBZ/GDR as part of a much longer existing Misere-narrative, which was first articulated in the Vormärz period, but which could build on already existing autostereotypes. Thus, the research on the "German master narratives" is extended by an aspect that has so far received little attention: In addition to the great narratives of German exceptionalism, of Kulturnation and German mission, there has always been a critical narrative that problematized or rejected German history to a great extent and that developed its own tradition from this assumption, the traces of which can still be found today in the public discourse on German identity. Dissertation, Rheinisch-Westfälische Technische Hochschule Aachen, 2018; Aachen 1 Online-Ressource (304 Seiten) : Illustrationen, Diagramme (2018). = Dissertation, Rheinisch-Westfälische Technische Hochschule Aachen, 2018 Published by Aachen

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    https://doi.org/10.18154/rwth-...
    Doctoral thesis . 2018
    Data sources: Datacite
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      https://doi.org/10.18154/rwth-...
      Doctoral thesis . 2018
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    Authors: Heinrich, Horst-Alfred;

    This paper aims at the documentation of the results of a study dealing with the relationship between in-group and out-group attitudes. The research enquires into the question whether nationalistic, patriotic, and anti-immigration attitudes are only correlated with each other or whether there is a causal relationship. The presentation of the Mplus output together with the correlation and covariance matrices will allow the readers to control the results and, if they want to do it, to test alternative models.

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    Authors: Heinen, Armin;

    Rumäniens Weg in die Demokratie nach 1989 ist ein Weg gewaltsamer Revolution, der partiellen Elitenkontinuität und des bewussten Verdrängens. Das hieraus resultierende, alle politische Gruppen einende Leiden an der politischen Kultur Rumäniens spiegelt sich nicht zuletzt wider in der Auseinandersetzung um den Tod des Diktatorenpaares Nicolae und Elena Ceausescu. Der offene politische Streit um die Ceausescu-Jahre und die Dezemberrevolution beginnt nach einer Zeit des Unbehagens erst jetzt, so die These des Beitrags. Er schildert die Gründe für den gewaltsamen Umsturz, richtet den Blick indes vor allem auf die symbolische und diskursive Verortung der 'gestohlenen Revolution'. Angemessen scheint deshalb eine 'dichte Beschreibung', die zugleich zurückgreift auf Konzepte der Transformationsforschung, der Generationensoziologie, der klassischen Revolutionstheorie sowie auf das von Ernst Kantorowicz entwickelte Modell der 'zwei Körper des Königs'.

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    Authors: Neumann, Peter;

    Im Ausgang von Walter Benjamins methodologischer Kritik an Rudolf Borchardts Anthologie DER DEUTSCHE IN DER LANDSCHAFT zeigt der Aufsatz, in welchem Maße der jeweilige Zugriff auf ‚Geistesgeschichte‘ mit einem spezifischen Verständnis von Natur und ‚geistiger Zugehörigkeit‘ verbunden ist. Führt die Einheitlichkeit der Naturbetrachtung nach Goethe'schem Vorbild bei Borchardt zu einem Verständnis von Geschichte als epochenübergreifender Kontinuität und wiederzugewinnender Tradition, bricht bei Benjamin unter dem Vorzeichen des Faschismus das Anschauungskontinuum organisch gewachsener Kulturalität zusammen – ‚Heimat‘ wird in natürlicher wie in geistiger Hinsicht prekär. Das ‚erfahrungssatte Dasein in der Landschaft‘ ist nurmehr im Modus des ‚Eingedenkens‘ möglich, als Zeugnis seines eigenen Untergangs. Taking its cue from Walter Benjamin’s methodological critique of Rudolf Borchardt’s anthology DER DEUTSCHE IN DER LANDSCHAFT, the article demonstrates how these different approaches connect 'intellectual history' and a specific idea of nature. While Borchardt proposes a unifying vision of nature (modelled after Goethe’s) that leads to a concept of history as continuity and a tradition that ist to be regained; with Benjamin the idea of a conceptual continuum and organic culturality collapses in the wake of fascism: 'Heimat' becomes precarious intellectually and naturally. Being-in-landscape as a saturated experience is furthermore only possible in a mode of remembrance, that is, as a testament to its own demise.

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    https://www.sciendo.com/pdf/10...
    Article
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    https://doi.org/10.2478/kwg-20...
    Article . 2020 . Peer-reviewed
    License: CC BY NC ND
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      https://doi.org/10.2478/kwg-20...
      Article . 2020 . Peer-reviewed
      License: CC BY NC ND
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    Authors: Klein, Ludger;

    Rechtsextreme Akteure handeln nicht als Individuen, sondern als Gruppenmitglieder. Ihr Denken und Handeln wird demnach durch kollektive Identifikationen angeleitet. Einer solchen ‚rechtsextremen Identität’ geht die vorliegende sozialpsychologische Studie anhand von lebensgeschichtlichen Interviews mit ‚Republikanern’ und Redakteuren der ‚Jungen Freiheit’ nach: Wo liegen ihre Ursprünge? Wie sieht sie aus? Welche Auswirkungen hat sie auf das Weltbild der Befragten? Welche Implikationen hat sie für deren soziales Verhalten? Welche Schlüsse lassen sich hieraus in Bezug auf Maßnahmen gegen Rechtsextremismus und Fremdenfeindlichkeit ziehen? Zentrales Ergebnis der Studie ist, dass die ausgrenzende bis fremdenfeindliche politische Ideologie und das politische Handeln aller Befragten durch eine ‚politisierte nationale Identität’ angeleitet wird.

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  • Authors: Heinrich, Horst-Alfred; Werner, Annegret; Justus Liebig University Giessen;

    Documentation of statistical results (frequencies, LISREL printout) of an empirical study dealing with different outgroups perceived by nationalists and patriots. Questionnaires have been spread in an introductory class on empirical research at University of Giessen in winter term 2007/08. Dokumentation der statistischen Ergebnisse (Häufigkeiten, LISREL-Ausdrucke) einer empirischen Studie zu unterschiedlichen Fremdgruppen von Nationalisten und Patrioten. Die Umfragen wurden im Wintersemester 2007/08 an der Universität Giessen durchgeführt.

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  • image/svg+xml Jakob Voss, based on art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina and Beao Closed Access logo, derived from PLoS Open Access logo. This version with transparent background. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Closed_Access_logo_transparent.svg Jakob Voss, based on art designer at PLoS, modified by Wikipedia users Nina and Beao
    Authors: Mangione, Gabriella;
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  • Authors: Maehler, D. B.;

    Beim Inventar zur Erfassung der ethnischen und nationalen (deutschen) Identität bei Personen mit und ohne Migrationshintergrund in Deutschland handelt es sich um eine deutschsprachige Adaptation der revidierten Fassung des Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM-R) von Phinney und Ong (2007). Neben der Erfassung der ethnischen Identität bei Erwachsenen mit Migrationshintergrund wurde außerdem eine Erweiterung zur Messung der nationalen (deutschen) Identität bei Personen mit und ohne Migrationshintergrund entwickelt und validiert. Das Inventar umfasst vier Skalen zur Messung der ethnischen Identitätsexploration und -bindung (e-EID und b-EID) sowie der nationalen Identitätsexploration und -bindung (e-NID und b-NID). Konfirmatorische Faktoranalysen bestätigen die Zwei-Faktor-Struktur (Exploration und Bindung) für die Messung der ethnischen sowie der nationalen (deutschen) Identität. Zusammenstellung sozialwissenschaftlicher Items und Skalen (ZIS)

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    Authors: Hille, Jochen;

    Norwegen und die Schweiz sind keine EU-Mitgliedstaaten, weil die Bevölkerungen die Integration mehrheitlich in Referenden ablehnte. Die enorme Mobilisierung und Emotionalisierung in den nationalen Integrationsdebatten kann weder durch ökonomische noch durch politische Umstände hinreichend erklärt werden, zumal die Eliten beider Länder mehrheitlich die Integration unterstützen. Die Hauptmobilisierungsressource von Euroskeptikern liegt vielmehr darin, tief verwurzelte nationale Selbst- und Fremdbilder zu reaktivieren. Diese Diskursanalyse beschreibt vergleichend, auf welche Art und Weise die größten euroskeptischen Akteure der Schweiz und Norwegens diesen Rückgriff auf das Nationale in Integrationsdebatten herstellen. Gefragt wird, wie die „Aktion für eine Unabhängige und Neutrale Schweiz“ (AUNS) und die eng mit ihr verbundene „Schweizerische Volkspartei“ (SVP) einerseits, und die norwegische Bewegung „Nein zur EU“ (norwegisch: Nei Til EU) andererseits, ihren Integrationswiderstand mittels nationaler Narrationen und Bildersprachen als sinnvoll darstellen. Hierzu werden umfangreiche euroskeptische Bild- und Textquellen referiert und gedeutet. Damit wird ein Beitrag zur Forschung über das Selbstverständnis, die Denkweise, die Rhetorik und das Tugendsystem anti-integratorischer Bewegungen geleistet. Denn Euroskeptiker verstehen sich primär als Verteidiger der guten nationalen Gemeinschaft. Diese Gemeinschaft und dessen Nationalstaat beschreiben sie als wärmer, natürlicher, näher, gerechter, effizienter, friedlicher und demokratischer als das integrierte Europa, welches als ferner, kalter, bürokratischer Superstaat EU dargestellt wird. Norway and Switzerland are not member states of the EU, since the majority of the people rejected integration in several referenda. The emotionality and the enormous mobilisation in national debates on integration cannot sufficiently be explained by economic and political reasons, since the majority of the elites are supporting integration. Instead, the main resource of mobilisation for Eurosceptics lies in reactivating deeply rooted descriptions of national self and other. For carving out these collective images, this discourse-analysis compares how the major Eurosceptical actors of Switzerland, the “Action for an Independent and Neutral Switzerland” (AUNS) together with the tightly connected “Swiss People’s Party” (SVP), on one hand, and the Norwegian movement “No To EU” (NEI TIL EU), on the other hand, describe their actions as meaningful in their iconography and narrations. In doing so, the study refers to and interprets extensive material from Eurosceptical actors and contributes to the understanding of Eurosceptical self-perception, ways of thinking, rhetoric and virtue system. Here Eurosceptics perceive themselves mainly as defenders of the national community and its nation-state, which are regarded as warm, natural, close, justified, efficient, peaceful and democratic, while Europe is perceived as the cold, distant, bureaucratic superstate EU.

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    Authors: Hein, Heidi;

    Der Pilsudski-Kult ist ein typischer politischer Kult, der durch die Komponenten Mythos, Ritual und Symbole sowie durch eine damit einhergehende Institutionalisierung definiert wird. In den Ausdrucks- und Vermittlungsformen ähneln sich politische Kulte, während die inhaltlichen Aspekte Bezug auf die jeweiligen Traditionen und den historischen Kontext nehmen müssen. Da der Totenkult um Pilsudski auf dem Personenkult aufbaut, wird dieser seit dem Ersten Weltkrieg bis 1935 skizziert und im Folgenden die Begräbnisfeierlichkeiten als Katalysator und Auftakt des Totenkultes, der Totenkult selbst bis 1939 und die Ausdrucksformen und Funktionen des Kultes bis 1939 dargestellt. Anschließend wird dessen Entwicklung im Zweiten Weltkrieg, in der Pilsudski-nahen Emigration, während der Volksrepublik Polen und in der Dritten Republik untersucht. Es soll verdeutlicht werden, dass man den Pilsudski-Kult jederzeit politisch instrumentalisierte, wobei der Mythos als inhaltlicher Bestandteil jeweils nuanciert wurde. Er erhielt legitimatorische und über die Zeit der Zweiten Republik hinausführend identitätsstiftende Funktionen und beeinflusste das historische Gedächtnis.

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    Authors: Penshorn, Sascha;

    The interpretation of German history prevailing in the years 1945-1953, the formation phase of the GDR, is mostly apostrophized in contemporary debate as well as in later research as "Misere-Sicht". What is meant by this is the Marxist variant of the thesis of the "German Sonderweg", which characterizes the course of German history as having failed because of the absence of a bourgeois revolution and the resulting alliance of the bourgeoisie with the feudal forces, and sketches a historical narrative that leads, as it were, logically from the Peasant Wars to the catastrophe of Nazi rule. In historical research this phase of the discourse of history in the Soviet Occupation Zone (SBZ) and the GDR is usually treated as only a short episode, which quickly proved to be a useless master narrative and was accordingly contained by the SED leadership and replaced by more constructive conceptions of history. In this study, I consider the Misere-conception of the SBZ/GDR as part of a much longer existing Misere-narrative, which was first articulated in the Vormärz period, but which could build on already existing autostereotypes. Thus, the research on the "German master narratives" is extended by an aspect that has so far received little attention: In addition to the great narratives of German exceptionalism, of Kulturnation and German mission, there has always been a critical narrative that problematized or rejected German history to a great extent and that developed its own tradition from this assumption, the traces of which can still be found today in the public discourse on German identity. Dissertation, Rheinisch-Westfälische Technische Hochschule Aachen, 2018; Aachen 1 Online-Ressource (304 Seiten) : Illustrationen, Diagramme (2018). = Dissertation, Rheinisch-Westfälische Technische Hochschule Aachen, 2018 Published by Aachen

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    https://doi.org/10.18154/rwth-...
    Doctoral thesis . 2018
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    Authors: Heinrich, Horst-Alfred;

    This paper aims at the documentation of the results of a study dealing with the relationship between in-group and out-group attitudes. The research enquires into the question whether nationalistic, patriotic, and anti-immigration attitudes are only correlated with each other or whether there is a causal relationship. The presentation of the Mplus output together with the correlation and covariance matrices will allow the readers to control the results and, if they want to do it, to test alternative models.

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    Authors: Heinen, Armin;

    Rumäniens Weg in die Demokratie nach 1989 ist ein Weg gewaltsamer Revolution, der partiellen Elitenkontinuität und des bewussten Verdrängens. Das hieraus resultierende, alle politische Gruppen einende Leiden an der politischen Kultur Rumäniens spiegelt sich nicht zuletzt wider in der Auseinandersetzung um den Tod des Diktatorenpaares Nicolae und Elena Ceausescu. Der offene politische Streit um die Ceausescu-Jahre und die Dezemberrevolution beginnt nach einer Zeit des Unbehagens erst jetzt, so die These des Beitrags. Er schildert die Gründe für den gewaltsamen Umsturz, richtet den Blick indes vor allem auf die symbolische und diskursive Verortung der 'gestohlenen Revolution'. Angemessen scheint deshalb eine 'dichte Beschreibung', die zugleich zurückgreift auf Konzepte der Transformationsforschung, der Generationensoziologie, der klassischen Revolutionstheorie sowie auf das von Ernst Kantorowicz entwickelte Modell der 'zwei Körper des Königs'.

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    Authors: Neumann, Peter;

    Im Ausgang von Walter Benjamins methodologischer Kritik an Rudolf Borchardts Anthologie DER DEUTSCHE IN DER LANDSCHAFT zeigt der Aufsatz, in welchem Maße der jeweilige Zugriff auf ‚Geistesgeschichte‘ mit einem spezifischen Verständnis von Natur und ‚geistiger Zugehörigkeit‘ verbunden ist. Führt die Einheitlichkeit der Naturbetrachtung nach Goethe'schem Vorbild bei Borchardt zu einem Verständnis von Geschichte als epochenübergreifender Kontinuität und wiederzugewinnender Tradition, bricht bei Benjamin unter dem Vorzeichen des Faschismus das Anschauungskontinuum organisch gewachsener Kulturalität zusammen – ‚Heimat‘ wird in natürlicher wie in geistiger Hinsicht prekär. Das ‚erfahrungssatte Dasein in der Landschaft‘ ist nurmehr im Modus des ‚Eingedenkens‘ möglich, als Zeugnis seines eigenen Untergangs. Taking its cue from Walter Benjamin’s methodological critique of Rudolf Borchardt’s anthology DER DEUTSCHE IN DER LANDSCHAFT, the article demonstrates how these different approaches connect 'intellectual history' and a specific idea of nature. While Borchardt proposes a unifying vision of nature (modelled after Goethe’s) that leads to a concept of history as continuity and a tradition that ist to be regained; with Benjamin the idea of a conceptual continuum and organic culturality collapses in the wake of fascism: 'Heimat' becomes precarious intellectually and naturally. Being-in-landscape as a saturated experience is furthermore only possible in a mode of remembrance, that is, as a testament to its own demise.

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    https://www.sciendo.com/pdf/10...
    Article
    License: CC BY NC ND
    Data sources: UnpayWall
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    https://doi.org/10.2478/kwg-20...
    Article . 2020 . Peer-reviewed
    License: CC BY NC ND
    Data sources: Crossref
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